(As Kerala gears up for the Assembly polls, every week, Shaju Philip decodes the electoral trends, political signals, and campaign moves shaping the contest.)
While the CPI(M), the lead player of the incumbent Left Democratic Front (LDF) in Kerala, is aiming to clinch the upcoming Assembly elections for third consecutive time, a debate has started in the LDF circles whether another stint in power could weaken their party organisations, especially that of the CPI(M), and “undermine” Left politics in the state.
With the elections due in April, a section of the LDF’s cadres and supporters seem to be weighing the question of their organisational survival and progress against the prospects of continuity in governance and development. Several Left workers argue that the LDF would be better off sitting in the Opposition this time if it wants to retain its ideological moorings and credibility as a Left force.
These voices have emerged even as noted writer K Sachidanandan recently invoked the West Bengal case, urging the Left to “learn its lessons” while pointing out that the CPI(M)’s 34-year rule in Bengal in 2011 eventually ended in subsequent electoral decimation. “An uninterrupted tenure in power can erode a party’s foundations,” he said.
On the other hand, the Opposition Congress-led United Democratic Front (UDF) is seeking to capitalise on such perceived unease within the Left circles, with several Congress leaders claiming that “genuine” CPI(M) leaders “disillusioned” with the LDF regime may shift their allegiance. The refrain in the Congress camp is that it now “embodies progressive and secular politics” in Kerala.
Development as key plank
Both the CPI(M) and the LDF have increasingly highlighted development as their main electoral plank for the Assembly polls. Some of their critics, however, claim that in doing so, the CPI(M)’s traditional Left narrative, which has been the base of its mass appeal in Kerala, has taken a backseat.
While Kerala politics has largely been shaped by the Left with a broad societal consensus favouring secularism, the CPI (M) now faces allegations of “diluting” its secular credentials to consolidate its Hindu base amid the BJP’s push to expand its footprint in a state where it enjoys little support.
Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan has been accused of “softening” his opposition to the Sangh Parivar in his second term which began in 2021. The Vijayan government’s move to send an official delegation to Gujarat in 2022 to study the CM’s dashboard system stands in contrast to the CPI(M)’s decision in 2009 – when Vijayan was the state party secretary – to expel former MP A P Abdullakutty for praising the “Gujarat model” of development.
Vijayan has been a vocal critic of Uttar Pradesh CM Yogi Adityanath over his Hindutva politics. However, Kerala minister V N Vasan read out a message from Adityanath during a global conference of Ayyappa devotees in the state last September in Vijayan’s presence, which drew sharp criticism from sections of the Left.
Party-govt balance
Over the past decade in office, the CPI(M) has also faced criticism that the party has receded into the background of governance. In earlier LDF regimes, key decisions were shaped through consultations within the CPI(M) and the broader LDF alliance. In recent years, however, the government has often taken the lead on various crucial issues, at times leaving the CPI(M) and its allies playing catch-up.
The controversy over the proposed implementation of the PM SHRI project in Kerala is a case in point. The Left had opposed the scheme, alleging it advanced a Sangh Parivar agenda. Yet the decision to implement it was taken at the top government level, without placing it before the Cabinet, triggering protests within the LDF. The government eventually put the move on hold.
On policy matters, the CPI(M) has faced allegations of “ideological drift”. A party that once opposed the privatisation of higher education has opened the door to foreign universities. In its push for large infrastructure projects, critics say, environmental concerns traditionally voiced within the Left, have been brushed aside.
At two state conferences and CPI(M) Congress events held after 2021 — conclaves that take place once every three years — discussions were dominated by governance priorities and the target of retaining power beyond 2026, rather than organisational rejuvenation.
Welfare as bridge
As concerns grow about party stagnation at the grassroots and a disconnect with the cadre, the government has sought to consolidate its support through welfare measures, relief packages and direct benefit transfers, including a recently introduced women’s safety scheme.
Another strand of opinion within the Left argues that a third consecutive LDF term could trigger the “disintegration” of the UDF. While that may appear advantageous in the short term, some Left sympathisers — particularly from minority communities — worry that a weakened UDF could eventually create political space for the BJP in Kerala, at the expense of both the LDF and the larger secular section in the state.
Amid such debates, the CPI(M) finds itself navigating not just an electoral contest, but a deeper introspection over power, ideology and the future of Left politics in Kerala.